Monday, 14 December 2009
On Black History Month
For some local authorities, BHM is an opportunity to tick race equality boxes and earn brownie points. Others approach the occasion with the seriousness it merits. The London boroughs of Camden, Lambeth, Lewisham and Southwark jointly hosted a number of films this year, including one on HIV and another on climate change. Even the venerable V&A museum had a ‘black heritage season’ between August and November. Their events included a talk on Paul Robeson and Othello; a Caribbean film festival; a carnival arts lecture; story telling; and a jewellery making workshop.
Given the popularity of BHM, it was inevitable that it would become more than an annual series of events focussing on our collective past. The fact that it has become a bandwagon embracing all kinds of cultural and educational programmes does not diminish its importance. The Voice, the sole national black newspaper, publishes important historical facts and publicise events, as did their erstwhile rival, the New Nation throughout October. We also get, every October, the annual list one hundred most important black Britons – a list which some would argue is arbitrary.
‘Why is BHM important?’ I was asked that question by a student at the Bridge Academy in Hackney at an event I shared with talented wordsmith and actor, Bashy. I replied, ‘Because we’re British and black history is a very important part of British history.’ I should have added, ‘and because the subject is not taught in schools and institutions of higher learning.’ This is where we differ from the Americans. The year 2009 marked the 40th anniversary of the establishment of African American and Black Studies in the USA. It was fought for and won during the black power struggles of the late 1960s; Cornell University the main battleground.
A few years ago, after a poetry reading somewhere in New York, a member of the audience asked me if BHM had become as commercialised in England as it had become in the USA. Not knowing the extent of the alleged commercialisation, I paused before replying, ‘Not quite.’
Saturday, 21 November 2009
Legality, Legitimacy and Vigilance
The BBC defended its decision to give the BNP a platform on the grounds that the party has significant electoral support and that their inclusion was consistent with its public broadcasting ethos. It is the business of government to ban extremist organisations from pubic media, argued the BBC's Mark Thompson, not the corporation's. Moreover, it was argued, the BBC would find itself in a difficult to defend charge of censorship in the courts. The controversy is all but forgotten but, to my mind, leaves a number of unanswered questions.
Democracy is a sham if it is not at least about playing by the rules. In the light of the High Court ruling that the racist constitution of the BNP is illegal, why were they allowed to contest the by-election for Glasgow North East on 12th November 2009 where they lost their deposit? I have asked a number of people this question without getting a satisfactory answer. Yes, the BNP have declared their intention to change their memebership rules which exclude non-whites. But it was with the same racist constitution, ruled illegal, that they contested Glasgow North East. How can a political party whose membership rules are deemed illegal be allowed to contest any election under our electoral laws?
If or when the BNP change their illegal constitution, I am sure they will find a way to circumvent the law, calculating that they will not be inundated with applications from blacks, Asians, Jews and immigrants. I assume that the law under which their constitution was ruled illegal was passed after the election of their 2 members of the European Parliament and their last batch of councillors. But if it precedes their election, what would be the implications for their legitimacy?
The 'significant support' that the BNP enjoys reflect a wider resurgence of fascism and xenophobia in Europe and Russia during the last two decades. It is at times of economic crisis, like the current global crisis, that the enemies of humanity seize the opportunity to exploit the misery of poor working class whites, scapegoating ethnic minorities, igniting ethnic strife. Those of us who know about the history of racist and fascist attacks and murders cannot afford to be complacent. Our watchword must be vigilance.
Wednesday, 17 December 2008
About the George Padmore Institute
The George Padmore Institute is as far as John La Rose had reached in the realisation of his vision of change before he died in February, 2006. Established in 1991 by La Rose and a group of political and cultural activists connected to New Beacon Books, the GPI is an archive, educational, research and information centre with materials relating to the social, political and cultural history of the black communities of Caribbean, African and Asian descent in Britain and continental Europe. It is located in the same building that houses New Beacon Books in Finsbury Park, London.
The stated aims and objectives of the GPI are threefold: Firstly, to organize a library, educational resource and research centre that will make the materials in its care available for use by the public, both in person at the Institute and through the use of modern storage, retrieval and communication methods. Secondly, the organization of educational and cultural activities including conferences, courses, seminars, lectures, talks and readings. Thirdly, the publication of relevant materials.
The Caribbean Artists Movement (1966-1972); The Black Education Movement and the Black Supplementary Schools Movement (1960s to the present); The Black Parents Movement, The Black Youth Movement and the Alliance with the Race Today and Northern Black Collectives (1975- late 1980s); The New Cross Massacre Action Committee (1981); The International Book Fair of Radical, Black and Third World Books (1982-1995); European Action for Racial Equality and Social Justice (early – mid 1990s); The Carnival Movement (1970-1990s); New Beacon Books (1966- present); The Macdonald Inquiry into Racism in Manchester Schools (1987); and the personal archives of John La Rose. These materials exist in the form of minutes of meetings, letters, leaflets, campaign material, posters, tape recordings, transcripts and photographs. In the case of the Macdonald Inquiry, the GPI has the entire body of evidence submitted to the inquiry; and in the case of New beacon Books, there are rare journals and newspapers and information about campaigns and organizations from the Caribbean, Africa and the USA relating to the interconnections between different communities of the black diaspora.
He was an executive member of the Federated Workers Trade Union, later merged into the National Union of Government and Federated Workers. He became the General Secretary of the West Indian Independence Party and contested a seat in the 1956 General election for the party after being banned from other West Indian islands by the British colonial authorities. He was also involved in the internal struggle of the Oilfield Workers Trade Union, siding with the ‘rebel’ faction who prevailed in the 1962 union election. John La Rose became the European representative of the union, a position he held until his death.
One of John La Rose’s greatest achievements was the International Book Fair of Radical Black and Third World Books (1982-1995), organized in the beginning with Bogle-L’Ouverture Books and Race Today Publications. In the call to the first Book Fair John wrote, ‘This First International Book Fair of Radical Black and Third World books is intended to mark the new and expanding phase in the growth of radical ideas and concepts and their expression in literature, politics, music, art and social life’. The Book Fair was a tremendous success. It was indeed ‘a meeting of the continents for writers, publishers, distributors, booksellers, artists, musicians, filmmakers, and people who inspire and consume their creative productions.